What Marks the End of the Family Life Cycle, According to the Text?

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Sex Roles. Writer manuscript; available in PMC 2012 Feb ii.

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PMCID: PMC3270818

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Family Patterns of Gender Role Attitudes

Abstract

Study goals were to identify family patterns of gender part attitudes, to examine the conditions nether which these patterns emerged, and to appraise the implications of gender attitude patterns for family conflict. Participants were mothers, fathers, and starting time- and second-born adolescents from 358 White, working and middle-form US families. Results of cluster analysis revealed 3 gender role mental attitude patterns: egalitarian parents and children, traditional parents and children, and a divergent pattern, with parents more traditional and children more than egalitarian. Mixed-model ANOVAs indicated that these family patterns were related to socioeconomic status, parents' time spent in gendered household tasks and with children, and the gender constellation of the sibling dyad. The traditional family group reported the nearly family disharmonize.

Keywords: gender, family systems, socialization, child furnishings

Introduction

Although the importance of gender role attitudes in family dynamics has been of interest to researchers for several decades (due east.k., Benin & Agostinelli, 1988; Ruble, Martin, & Berenbaum, 2006; Thompson & Walker, 1989), the gender function attitudes of family members—mothers, fathers, sisters and brothers—are typically studied in adults and children separately, or inside unmarried (i.e., marital or parent-child) dyads. This approach is likely to limit our agreement of the way in which family unit members' gender characteristics are connected. Every bit proposed inside a family unit systems perspective, families are composed of subsystems that are interrelated (Cox & Paley, 1997; Minuchin, 1985) and, as such, agreement of one subsystem in the family is incomplete if the processes that operate in other subsystems are not considered. The present report was intended to fill a gap in the literature on gender role attitudes and family dynamics. Using interview data on Usa families, we aimed: (ane) to identify distinct family patterns of gender role attitudes of mothers, fathers, and two adolescent siblings using cluster analysis; (2) to explore the weather condition under which different family patterns emerged, including family socioeconomic status (SES), parents' time spent on gendered household tasks, parents' time spent with children, and the sex constellation of sibling dyads; and (3) to appraise the implications of family patterns of gender role attitudes for conflict betwixt family members. We focused on gender part attitudes because of the all-encompassing changes in gender ideologies within the Us in recent decades (Fortin, 2005). We reasoned that sustained social alter may differentially affect families and family unit members and thus requite rising to distinct family patterns of gender role attitudes, with some families exhibiting more traditional attitudes, some exhibiting more egalitarian attitudes, some exhibiting similarity in attitudes within the family, and some exhibiting differences in attitudes within the family.

Gender Roles Attitudes of Family unit Members: Congruence and Incongruence

Our get-go goal was to identify family patterns of gender part attitudes. We used a cluster analysis arroyo which involves grouping units (families in our case) based on their similarities in multiple measures and which produces subgroups that maximize within-group similarities and between-group differences (Henry, Tolan, & Gorman-Smith, 2005). This pattern-analytic technique is exploratory in nature and involves few a priori assumptions nearly the structure of the resultant patterns (Whiteman & Loken, 2006). Within the family literature, efforts to identify types of families based on similarity and differences between family members are rare, and nosotros found no prior enquiry that explored family patterns of gender office attitudes. Thus we had no data to guide our predictions on what types of families would sally. All the same, as we describe beneath, a review of literature on gender role attitudes and family systems theory, in general, suggested that, whereas some families may exist characterized past congruence in attitudes across family members (e.g., all members are traditional or all are egalitarian), other families may be characterized by incongruence (i.due east., some members are traditional and some are egalitarian).

Congruence and Incongruence between Wives and Husbands

1 line of studies grounded in the assortive mating theory (Crow & Felsenstein, 1968) predicts that individuals will tend to cull mates with attributes similar to themselves, and thus that wives and husbands will be more similar than unrelated women and men. Empirical findings support this perspective in showing that married couples, as compared to randomly paired couples, are more similar on demographics, values, attitudes, personality, and psychological outcomes (Luo & Klohnen, 2005). From this perspective, wives' and husbands' gender office attitudes should be similar.

A family systems perspective, in contrast, posits that families are complex units composed of individuals with dissimilar experiences and needs (Cox & Paley, 1997; Minuchin, 1985). As integrated units, families cocky-organize in response to both external and internal forces. Beyond the grade of family evolution, some components of the family may alter more quickly than others (Ross, Mirowsky, & Huber, 1983). Spouses' gender role attitudes, for example, may develop and change at different rates. Studies based on nationally representative samples of U.S. couples found that husbands hold more than traditional gender role attitudes than their wives (Bolzendahl & Myers, 2004; Zuo & Tang, 2000). This is not surprising, given that concepts of male privilege and authorization are inherent in traditional views of gender roles (Ferree, 1990). Farther evidence suggests that the effects of assortive mating are stronger for demographic characteristics than for psychosocial traits: Although spousal correlations for psychosocial traits are statistically pregnant, the effect sizes typically range from low to moderate (Epstein & Guttman, 1984). Taken together, theory and findings on attitude congruence in marital dyads may mean that some couples exhibit similar views on gender roles, but others practise not.

Congruence and Incongruence between Parents and Children

A socialization perspective highlights parents' roles equally instructors, reinforcers, and models of children'due south gender role attitudes (Lytton & Romney, 1991). Specifically, parents directly communicate their beliefs nearly gender by providing educational activity, guidance, and training to their children (Eccles, 1994). They as well reinforce sex-typed behaviors by encouraging their children'due south interest in gender-stereotypical activities (Lytton & Romney, 1991). In addition, gender socialization messages are indirectly transmitted through parents' modeling of sex activity-typed behaviors (Collins & Russell, 1991). For example, children larn that women and men (should) act differently when they observe that mothers spend more time on care-giving and fathers, on leisure activities with their children. From this perspective, parents should pass their attitudes nigh gender roles to their children, resulting in congruence between parents' and children'due south gender role attitudes.

A gender schema perspective, in contrast, emphasizes the importance of cognitive processes in gender evolution. Beyond childhood and adolescence, youth build schemas about gender-appropriate roles and behaviors (Martin & Ruble, 2004). Through the cognitive processes of identification and categorization, youth continually integrate novel ideas about gender into their schemas. These processes are based upon the unique learning contexts in which youth develop, including family and non-family contexts (Serbin, Powlishtak, & Gulko, 1993). Therefore, although a gender schema perspective likewise acknowledges parents as fundamental socializing agents, from this perspective, youth act as producers of their own development (Martin, Ruble, Szkrybalo, 2002), meaning that youth's gender role attitudes are informed, just not determined, by parental practices and the larger social world. In fact, empirical studies show only pocket-size and sometimes nonsignificant associations betwixt parents' and children's gender role attitudes (Crouter, Whiteman, McHale, & Osgood, 2007; Tenenbaum & Leaper, 2002). These findings suggest that, whereas some children model their parents' views on gender roles, others do not.

Congruence and Incongruence between Siblings

We know much less about similarities and differences between siblings' gender office orientations than nosotros exercise about those of marital and parent-child dyads. The larger literature on siblings, however, highlights the office of siblings equally models, companions, and sources of advice and reinforcement, particularly in adolescence, when parents may exist seen as less knowledgeable near peer and school social norms and activities (McHale, Kim, & Whiteman, 2006). From a social learning perspective, influence processes should operate to produce similarities betwixt siblings' gender part attitudes. Indeed, consistent with social learning tenets, i study constitute that the gender attitudes of older siblings predicted changes in the attitudes of younger siblings over a 2 year menstruation (McHale, Updegraff, Helms-Erikson, & Crouter, 2001): When older siblings reported more egalitarian attitudes, younger siblings' egalitarianism increased more than over time.

In this study, yet, evidence for a competing sibling influence process, termed de-identification, also emerged: When younger siblings reported more egalitarian attitudes, older brothers' attitudes became more traditional over time (McHale et al., 2001). Findings also revealed that sisters' attitudes were more egalitarian than brothers, on average, and longitudinal analyses indicated that the attitudes of sisters with younger brothers became more egalitarian over time. Findings of divergence between siblings are consequent with Alfred Adler's Theory of Private Psychology (Ansbacher & Ansbacher, 1956) which holds that siblings de-identify with i another during the course of their development, choosing distinct niches in their families in an effort to reduce competition and garner unique family resources. In sum, although empirical information are limited, in that location is reason to expect both similarities and differences between siblings' gender office attitudes.

Taken together, although it is probable to notice congruence in gender role attitudes across family members in the same family, developmental and family dynamics may too operate to make family unit members different. Every bit noted, the latter is consistent with the family systems perspective that highlights the potential for divergent experiences and points of view among different family members (Cox & Paley, 1997; Minuchin, 1985). Our first study goal was using cluster analysis to identify distinct and meaningful patterns based on the gender roles attitudes of four family members— wives, husbands, and two adolescents— from the aforementioned families.

Conditions Underlying Family unit Patterns of Gender Roles Attitudes

Our 2d goal was to explore the conditions under which family unit patterns of gender role attitudes emerged. Given that the purpose of cluster analysis is to discover rather than enforce a predetermined structure on the data (Whiteman & Loken, 2006), we could non precisely predict how many subgroups would be establish, nor how these subgroups would be linked to other family weather. Still, previous literature targets some family unit conditions that are related to gender traditionality of parents and children: If nosotros were successful in identifying subgroups of more and less traditional families, nosotros would then expect significant differences between these subgroups in family factors, including SES, parents' time spent on gendered household tasks, parents' time with children, and the sex activity constellation of sibling dyads.

Family unit SES

Show that socioeconomic factors may bear upon family gender role attitudes includes findings that women and men who have college educational attainment and income express more than egalitarian gender role orientations (e.1000., Crompton & Lyonette, 2005; Lackey, 1989). Inside the educational organization in the US, students are exposed to egalitarian ideas and both female and male role models, and are taught to identify gender myths and stereotypes (Brooks & Bolzendahl, 2004; Cassidy & Warren, 1996). In addition, higher education levels provide both women and men with training and credentials for higher paying jobs and, in turn, the ability to contribute to the family unit economy (Raley, Mattingly, & Bianchi, 2006). Longitudinal studies based on nationally representative samples in the US have shown that wives tend to be more than egalitarian when they contribute more than to the total family unit income (Zou & Tang, 2000). Consistent with a social learning perspective, children from more than economically advantaged family backgrounds also have more than egalitarian gender attitudes (e.thousand., Antill, Cunningham, & Cotton fiber, 2003; Kulik, 2002).

Parents' Fourth dimension Spent on Gendered Household Tasks

As noted, children learn most gender advisable behaviors by observing the behaviors of their parents. Over time, their knowledge consolidates to grade cognitive schema which later organize new knowledge almost gender and channel gendered behaviors (Martin & Ruble, 2004). Based on information from a 31-year panel study of US families, Cunningham (2001) institute that parents' sectionalisation of housework, measured when children were about one year of age, predicted children's later participation in household tasks in their own marriages. Specifically, fathers' contribution to stereotypically feminine housework predicted sons' interest in the aforementioned type of work in adulthood. Cunningham'southward findings, along with other studies on household task division (e.yard., Blair, 1992; White & Brinkerhoff, 1981), betoken to the importance of parents' time spent on housework in children's gender part evolution: Not-traditional allocation of housework is likely to promote egalitarian attitudes inside the family.

Parents' Time with Children

Another family process that may bear on children'south gender part attitudes is fathers' temporal involvement (Risman & Myers, 1997). Child intendance is a stereotypically feminine activity, and marks a less traditional family role for fathers. This may exist peculiarly the case when fathers spend time with daughters. On the other paw, within-family comparisons have shown that fathers are more inclined toward sex-typed activities with children (especially boys) than are mothers (Harris & Morgan, 1991; Crouter, McHale, & Bartko, 1993). As reviewed by Maccoby (2003), fathers-son dyads engaged in almost twice as much rough-and-tumble play as mother-son dyads in experimental settings. Fathers too react more negatively to crying, fearfulness, or signs of feebleness in sons than in daughters. These data propose that, although fathers' involvement with children, more often than not, reflects a more egalitarian gender role orientation, high level of paternal interest selectively with sons may reinforce a more traditional gender ideology.

Sex Constellation of Sibling Dyads

A family systems perspective emphasizes the bidirectional influences between parents and children, and previous research suggests that children may influence parents in some of the same ways that parents influence children. McHale and Crouter (2003) have shown, for example, that the sexual activity constellation of sibling dyads shapes gendered patterns of family unit activities. Studying two-parent US families with at least 2 children in centre childhood, they institute that mothers spent more fourth dimension with children than did fathers in families with 2 daughters, whereas fathers spent more time with children than did mothers in families with two sons. That is, parents' greater interest was predicted by having not 1, but two children of their same gender. Given that fathers are more concerned nigh the gender typicality of boys (Maccoby, 2003) and that brother-brother sibling dyads tend to spend more than time with their fathers, we may find that they have more traditional gender role attitudes when compared to sister-sis dyads. Findings from McHale and Crouter'south (2003) report also showed that children's involvement in household tasks varied as a function of the sibling dyad sex constellation. Older siblings more often than not performed more housework than younger siblings, only this difference was virtually pronounced in older-sister-younger-blood brother dyads. Further, in older-blood brother-younger-sister dyads, younger girls did more than housework than their older brothers. These findings suggest that the presence of a male child and a girl in the same family affords an opportunity for parents to reinforce traditional gender role orientations. Equally such, families with mixed-sex sibling dyads may accept more traditional gender part patterns, peculiarly as compared to families with sis-sister sibling dyads.

Gender Role Attitudes and Family Conflict

Our third aim was to assess the implications of the family patterns of gender role attitudes for the quality of family relationships. As mentioned, unlike a priori methods, cluster analysis does not allow us to make precise predictions almost the underlying latent patterns, nor virtually how the derived patterns would be related to other constructs (Whiteman & Loken, 2006). Still, previous literature suggests that family members with divergent attitudes are less satisfied with their family unit relationships. If we proved successful in identifying subgroups of families that are characterized by congruence and incongruence among family unit members' attitudes, the literature generally suggests that there would be more than conflict in families marked by incongruence.

Marital Conflict

Marital quality has been establish to be related to spousal similarity. Couples who are similar in values, leisure interests, office preferences, and cognitive skills tend to be more than satisfied with their marriages than those who are unlike in these aspects (e.g., Burleson & Denton, 1992; Ickes, 1993; Kaslow & Robison, 1996). Furthermore, based on nationally representative samples of US couples, Lye and Biblarz (1993) found that when couples disagree with respect to gender part attitudes (i.e., housework division), both wives and husbands report higher levels of marital tension and disharmonize. As Cook and Jones (1963) observed, couples with different values and attitudes may accept difficulty in their relationships because they assess events from dissimilar perspectives. Different wives and husbands may have to constantly negotiate and redefine their marital roles—a procedure that may generate new sources of disagreement and problems.

Parent-Child Conflict

Only few studies examined intergenerational incongruence in attitudes and its links to parent-child relationships. For example, a limited body of inquiry on acculturation has documented the existence of intergenerational conflicts due to differential acculturation of immigrant parents and their children (e.thou., Atzaba-Poria & State highway, 2007; Tsai-Chae & Nagata, 2008; Ying & Han, 2007). Overall, findings suggest that when parents and children show marked discrepancies in cultural values and attitudes, they report more disharmonize and poorer relationship quality. Comparable consequences may occur when parents and children have dissimilar views on gender roles. Like dissimilar couples, dissimilar parents and children may demand to negotiate and redefine their roles in the family, which may, in turn, compromise parent-child relationships. However, it is important to recognize that in some instances children's difference from their parents' attitudes is encouraged by parents (Acock, 1984), and thus incongruence may not e'er result in problematic relationships.

Sibling Conflict

Our review of the literature establish no studies linking sibling mental attitude similarity with sibling conflict, and from a theoretical perspective, predictions are inconsistent. Social learning theories highlight the office of a model's warm and nurturant behavior in observational learning (Bandura, 1977), and indeed, some research shows that siblings with closer relationships showroom more similarity in their behaviors (McHale et al., 2006). On the other hand, sibling differentiation theory suggests that siblings pick different niches in their families in an attempt to reduce sibling rivalry (Ansbacher & Ansbacher, 1956). From this perspective, sibling conflict should be lower when siblings showroom larger differences in their gender role attitudes.

Study Objectives and Hypotheses

The present report was designed to address 3 research goals. Our first aim was using mothers, fathers, and first- and 2nd-built-in siblings' reports on gender part attitudes as clustering variables to identify groups of families that differ in their family-broad patterns of gender function attitudes. We followed contempo studies (e.grand., Allen & Olson, 2001; Fisher & Ransom, 1995; Fowers & Olson, 1992), and took a two-footstep approach of cluster analysis. Kickoff, a hierarchical cluster analysis using a cosine index of similarity with average linkage was conducted. Families were successively paired until all units were grouped into a mutual cluster. Hierarchical clustering was used here because nonlinear methods cannot stand for nested structures within multivariate data (Henry et al., 2005). Solutions with unlike numbers of clusters were compared based on several stopping criteria, including dendrogram patterns, interpretability, and cell size (Blashfield & Aldenderfer, 1988). 2nd, a confirmatory factor analysis using the K-means method was conducted. The additional cluster assay adamant whether the chosen cluster structure derived from the hierarchical cluster assay was replicable (come across Whiteman & Loken, 2006, for a detailed word of the procedure and advantages of this two-footstep approach). To further test our hypothesis regarding gender office mental attitude patterns, we conducted a mixed model analyses of variance (ANOVA) to examine the between- (cluster) and within-group (family unit member) differences in the clustering variables.

Our 2nd aim was to explore the weather under which dissimilar patterns of gender role attitudes emerged by comparison family clusters in terms of SES, parents' fourth dimension spent on gendered household tasks, parents' time with children, and the sex constellation of sibling dyads. Here we conducted a serial of mixed model ANOVAs and chi-foursquare analysis to examine the between- (cluster) and inside-grouping (family member) differences in these factors.

Our third aim was to assess the potential implications of family patterns for family conflict by comparing family unit clusters in terms of marital, parent-kid, and sibling disharmonize. Toward this end, we also conducted mixed model ANOVAs to examine the betwixt- (cluster) and within-grouping (family fellow member) differences in family unit conflicts.

Nosotros tested the post-obit hypotheses.

• 1

  Cluster analyses will identify family unit patterns characterized by congruence and incongruence among family unit members' gender function attitudes.

• 2(a)

  In families characterized by more than traditional gender role attitudes, parents volition take lower SES (i.e., lower education and income levels).

• ii(b)

  In families characterized by more than traditional gender role attitudes, parents will have a more than traditional partitioning of household labor.

• 2(c)

  In families characterized by more traditional gender office attitudes, fathers will spend more than fourth dimension with sons.

• two(d)

  The group of families with more egalitarian gender part attitude patterns volition include more families with daughter-girl sibling dyads as compared to boy-boy or mixed-sex sibling dyads.

• (iii)

  Families characterized by incongruent gender function attitudes across family members volition have higher levels of marital, parent-child, and sibling conflict compared to families characterized past congruent gender role attitudes across family members.

Method

Participants

Participants were 358 two-parent families from two cohorts of a longitudinal report of family relationships. 1 cohort included a firstborn and a secondborn sibling who were in middle childhood when they starting time entered the report, and the second accomplice included a firstborn and a secondborn sibling who were in adolescence when they first entered the report. Recruitment letters were sent abode to all families with children of the targeted age within school districts of a northeastern country. The messages explained the purpose of the inquiry project, and described the criteria for participation. Families were given postcards to fill out and return if they were interested in participating. Families were eligible if the couple was married, both parents were working, and they had at least two children in heart childhood or boyhood who were non more than 4 years apart in age. Over 90% of families that returned postcards were eligible and eventually participated. For the present analyses, we but used information from ane occasion for each accomplice in which (a) data on gender attitudes of both parents and children were collected and; (b) children were in early (younger siblings) and centre (older siblings) boyhood.

This study included an exclusively White working- and middle-class sample. The average income was $24,756 (SD = 17,733) for mothers and $48,747 (SD = 28,158) for fathers. The average level of didactics was 14.66 years (SD = two.19) for mothers and 14.threescore years (SD = ii.39) for fathers, where a score of 12 signified a high school graduate and 16 a college graduate. The average age was 42.05 years (SD = iii.95) for mothers, 44.17 years (SD = four.70) for fathers, 16.72 (SD =.lxxx) for firstborn siblings, and fourteen.xx years (SD = 1.12) for secondborn siblings.

Process

We collected data through domicile and phone interviews. Trained interviewers visited families to conduct individual home interviews. At the get-go of the interview, informed consent was obtained, and the family received a $100 or $200 honorarium depending on the study phase. Family unit members were and then interviewed individually. In the interviews, family members reported on measures of development, adjustment, and family relationships.

In the two to three weeks following the home interviews, parents and children respectively completed 4 (3 weekdays, i weekend day) and 7 (5 weekdays, ii weekend days) nightly phone interviews. Trained interviewers called family members in their homes, mostly during the evening hours. Each family member completed their portion of calls individually. The interviewer guided each parent and child through a listing of activities and probed for the context of any completed activities, including the type of activities, how long they lasted, and with whom they engaged in the activities. Youth reported on activities, including household tasks, personal activities, sports participation, and hobbies. Parents reported on all of their own household tasks, likewise as any activities they did with either child, using the provided listing of activities. The two children participated in all seven phone calls and parents participated in iv calls each. Phone interviews lasted between 30 to 45 minutes per call.

Measures

Background characteristics

We collected information on family members' ages and parents' education level and income during dwelling interviews with parents.

Parents' gender role attitudes

Parents completed the xv-detail Attitudes Towards Women (ATW) Scale (Spence & Helmreich, 1972). A sample detail was "In general, the begetter should have greater authority than the mother in making decisions about raising children." Responses ranged from 1 (strongly agree) to 4 (strongly disagree). The parents' attitudes scores were computed by summing the scores for all xv items, with college scores indicating more than traditional views on gender roles. Cronbach's alphas were .fourscore for mothers and .77 for fathers.

Youth's gender role attitudes

Youth completed either the Attitudes Towards Women Scale (Spence & Helmreich, 1972) or the Children'south Attitudes Towards Women Scale (Antill, Cotton, Goodnow, & Russell, 1993). Different scales were used for the two cohorts considering the children entered our longitudinal study at unlike age. Given that different measures were used, youth's scores on each scale were standardized within cohort and birth social club. The Attitudes Towards Women Scale, completed by youth who entered the study as adolescents, was the same mensurate as described above for parents. Cronbach's alpha was .fourscore for start- and .81 for secondborn siblings. The Children'south Attitudes Towards Women Scale, completed past youth who entered the study in middle babyhood, was a 19-item measure with responses ranging from 1 (strongly agree) to 4 (strongly disagree). A sample item was "Sons in a family should be given more than help to go to higher than daughters." Cronbach's blastoff was .88 for outset- and .83 for secondborn siblings. The youth'south attitudes scores were computed past summing the scores for all 19 items, with higher scores indicating more traditional views on gender roles.

Parents' time spent on feminine household tasks

Nosotros assessed parents' participation in feminine household tasks via telephone interviews with parents. Specifically, mothers and fathers reported how much time they spend doing dishes, cooking meals, cleaning the house (due east.g., dusting, washing floors), and doing laundry beyond the 4 days of time use information. These tasks were labeled as feminine tasks based upon prior theory and research (Atkinson & Huston, 1984). Additionally, a paired t-exam showed that mothers in this sample reported spending significantly more time in these tasks than did fathers, t(341) = 22.78, p < .01. Reports of these activities were aggregated beyond the four calls each parent completed to construct measures of how much time mothers and fathers spent on stereotypically feminine household tasks. To correct for skewness, foursquare root transformations of the full duration of time (minutes per 4 days) were used.

Parents' time with children

We assessed parent-child shared time via phone interviews with youth. Parent-kid dyadic time (parent-child shared time with no ane else present) was measured by summing the minutes each kid reported spending alone with each parent across all activities and across the seven calls each child completed. To correct for skewness, square root transformations of the total duration of time (minutes per 7 days) were used.

Parents' marital conflict

Parents completed a 5-item calibration adult by Braiker and Kelly (1979). A sample item was "How oft practise you experience aroused or resentful toward your partner?" Responses ranged from i (not at all) to ix (very much). Full marital conflict scores were computed by summing the score for each of the 5 items. Cronbach's alphas were.75 and .73 respectively for mothers' and fathers' reports on marital conflict.

Parent-child conflict

Youth completed an 11-item measure adapted from Smetana (1998). Youth reported on the frequency of conflict within 11 domains of daily life (e.g., chores, homework/schoolwork, social life, bedtime/curfew) respectively for mothers and fathers. Responses ranged from 1 (not at all) to 6 (several times a mean solar day). Total parent-child disharmonize scores were computed by summing the score for each of the 11 domains. A separate score was computed for each parent-kid dyad (i.due east., mother-firstborn, mother-secondborn, male parent-firstborn, begetter-secondborn). Cronbach's alpha coefficients ranged from .78 to .83.

Youth'due south conflict with siblings

Youth completed a 5-item scale developed by Stocker and McHale (1992). A sample particular was, "How often practice you feel mad or angry at your brother/sister?" Responses ranged from 1 (non at all) to 5 (very much). Full sibling conflict scores were computed by summing the score for each of the 5 items. Cronbach'southward blastoff were .75 and .79 respectively for outset- and second-born siblings' reports on sibling disharmonize.

Results

Ways and standard deviations of all variables in the study are shown in Tabular array 1 separately for mothers, fathers, and female person and male starting time- and secondborn siblings. Paired-sample t-tests showed that mothers had significantly lower income, t(352) = −thirteen.35, p < .01, were more egalitarian, t(357) = −v.eighteen, p < .01, spent more time on household tasks, t(341) = 22.78, p < .01, and reported higher levels of marital conflict compared to fathers, t(353) = 5.28, p < .01. Contained sample t-tests showed that starting time- and second-born girls were more egalitarian than firstborn, t(356) = −ix.95, p < .01, and 2nd-born boys, t(356) = −7.09, p < .01. Adolescents also spent more time with their same-sex parents: Whereas get-go- and second-born girls spent more time with mothers than did firstborn, t(339) = vi.90, p < .01, and 2nd-born boys, t(339) = 5.46, p < .01, first- and 2d-born boys spent more time with fathers than did firstborn, t(339) = −4.44, p < .01, and second-born girls, t(339) = −3.x, p < .01.

Table 1

Means (and Standard Deviations) of all Variables Reported by Mothers, Fathers, and Youth

	Mothers	Fathers	Firstborns		Secondborns
			Girls (N = 176)	Boys (Due north = 182)	Girls (N = 178)	Boys (N = 180)
Parents' Education	fourteen.66 (two.19) a	xiv.sixty (two.39) a	-	-	-	-
Parents' Income	24,756 (17,733) a	48,747 (28,158) b	-	-	-	-
Attitudes toward women	26.19 (6.05) a	28.eleven (5.82) b	−.48 (.70) a	.45 (1.03) b	−.36 (.87) a	.35 (i.01) b
Parents' time on household tasks	18.07 (8.77) a	8.76 (5.thirteen) b	-	-	-	-
Mothers' time with children	-	-	8.xvi (5.44) a	four.46 (4.43) b	9.42 (5.49) a	6.42 (iv.lx) b
Fathers' time with children	-	-	4.87 (4.31) a	7.33 (5.78) b	six.30 (four.75) a	8.11 (vi.01) b
Marital conflict	20.03 (6.28) a	18.28 (five.87) b	-	-	-	-
Mother-kid conflict	-	-	23.53 (half-dozen.06) a	23.52 (5.94) a	24.43 (6.fifteen) a	25.19 (7.06) a
Father-kid disharmonize	-	-	21.97 (6.23) a	22.02 (6.12) a	22.22 (six.79) a	23.xvi (6.54) a
Sibling conflict	-	-	18.85 (vii.50) a	19.07 (7.23) a	19.42 (7.66) a	19.07 (7.33) a

Patterns of Gender Role Attitudes

Hypothesis (1) posited that cluster analyses would place family patterns characterized by congruence and incongruence among family members' gender role attitudes. Prior to conducting the cluster analyses, all reports of attitudes were standardized so that variables with larger variances would not boss the cluster solution. We compared several solutions with two-, three-, four- and five-cluster structures derived from hierarchical clustering. On the basis of several stopping criteria, including dendrogram patterns, interpretability, and cell size (Blashfield & Aldenderfer, 1988), nosotros chose a three-cluster solution as the best characterization of the data. The solution was replicated past K-ways clustering technique, χⁱⁱ(iv) = 286.68, p < .01 (see Tabular array two). Three patterns of families emerged were consistent with our expectation: A traditional grouping (due north = 164), in which both parents and both siblings scored higher up the sample ways on gender office attitude traditionality, an egalitarian grouping (due north = 126), in which both parents and both siblings scored below the means on gender role traditionality, and a divergent group (n = 68), in which parents reported relatively more traditional, simply siblings reported relatively less traditional attitudes (see Table 3 and Figure 1 for standardized means of the clustering variables).

Family unit Patterns of Gender Part Attitudes

Table 2

Cross-Tabulation of Results of the Hierarchical and K-Means Clustering Techniques

Hierarchical	K-Ways
	Cluster one	Cluster 2	Cluster 3	Full
Cluster 1	100	35	29	164
Cluster 2	0	108	18	126
Cluster 3	1	x	57	68
Total	101	153	104	358

Table 3

Standardized Means (and Standard Deviations) of Clustering Variables by Family Types

	Cluster 1: Traditional	Cluster ii: Egalitarian	Cluster three: Divergent
Mother'southward Attitudes	.41 (one.01) a, 1	−.73 (.60) b, 1	.34 (.83) a, ane
Father'due south Attitudes	.18 (.91) a, 2	−.69 (.72) b, 2	.71 (.79) c, 2
Older Sibling's Attitudes	.57 (1.02) a, three, iv	−.52 (.73) b, two	−.45 (.57) b, 3, 4
Younger Sibling'south Attitudes	.71 (.89) a, 1, 3, 4	−.57 (.69) b, 1, 2	−.68 (.52) b, 1, three, 4

To further test our hypothesis regarding the family unit patterns, we compared the clusters using a 3 (cluster) × 4 (family unit member) mixed model ANOVA, and found significant univariate furnishings for mothers', F(2, 357) = 71.29, p < .01, ε = .53, fathers' F(two, 357) = 72.56, p < .01, ε = .53, firstborns', F(2, 357) = 65.lxx, p < .01, ε = .51, and 2nd-borns', F(2, 357) = 131.12, p < .01, ε = .65, gender part attitudes (run across Table iii), too as a significant between groups effect of cluster, F (ii, 357) = 233.93, p < .01, ε = .75, and a significant cluster × family unit fellow member interaction, F(2, 357) = 29.59, p < .01, ε = .37.

Tukey follow-upward tests for the univariate furnishings indicated that fathers in all groups were significantly unlike from each other in their gender part attitudes, with fathers in the divergent group reporting the near, and fathers in the egalitarian grouping reporting the least traditional attitudes. The results also showed that mothers in the egalitarian group were significantly different from mothers in both the traditional and divergent groups, but mothers in the traditional and divergent groups did non differ. Finally, both first- and 2d-born children in the traditional group were significantly different from those in the egalitarian and divergent groups, simply there were no differences between the latter 2 groups.

To follow up the cluster × family unit member interaction, nosotros examined deviation scores betwixt family members using Tukey follow-upwardly tests. Beginning with mother-male parent comparisons, these analyses revealed that parents differed from one another in both the traditional and the divergent groups such that fathers were less traditional than mothers in the traditional group, simply more than traditional than mothers in the divergent group. There were no differences between siblings in any of the groups. Finally, except for a father-second-built-in difference in the traditional cluster, the divergent cluster was the simply family type in which parent-child differences were meaning.

Weather Underlying Family Patterns of Gender Role Attitudes

To identify the conditions under which different family unit patterns of gender role attitudes emerged, we conducted a series of mixed model ANOVAs and chi-squared analysis. Specifically, the analyses examined differences between the family clusters in terms of SES, parents' fourth dimension spent on gendered household tasks, parents' time spent with children, and the sex constellation of the sibling dyad (encounter Tables 4 and ​ 5).

Table 4

Means (and Standard Deviations) of Demographic Variables, Parents' Household Tasks, and Parent-Child Shared Time by Family unit Types

	Cluster1: Traditional	Cluster2: Egalitarian	Cluster3: Divergent
Control Variables
Mothers' Education	14.31 (2.10) a	15.42 (2.20) b	fourteen.07 (2.02) a
Fathers' Instruction	14.10 (ii.22) a	fifteen.43 (2.44) b	14.26 (2.32) a
Mothers' Income	22, 666 (14,319) a	28, 746 (28,478) b	21, 632 (22,601) a
Fathers' Income	47, 570 (27,462) a	53, 127 (52,629) b	44, 743 (45,130) a
Parents' Fourth dimension
Female parent Feminine Tasks	eighteen.26 (five.38) a b	17.18 (5.09) a	nineteen.29 (four.92) b
Father Feminine Tasks	8.35 (5.26) b	9.73 (4.72) a	vii.92 (5.32) b
Difference in Female parent-Male parent Feminine Tasks	x.08 (8.06) a	vii.58 (vi.93) b	11.46 (half dozen.73) a
Female parent-Firstborns	6.06 (five.12) a	6.50 (five.42) a	half-dozen.65 (5.five) a
Mother-Secondborns	7.36 (5.24) a	8.35 (v.28) a	viii.35 (v.27) a
Father-Firstborns	5.54 (5.18) a	5.95 (5.05) a b	7.58 (5.44) b
Begetter-Secondborns	vii.37 (6.37) a	7.47 (4.55) a	6.twoscore (4.85) a

Tabular array v

Distribution (and Cell Percentages) of Sibling Gender-Constellation by Family unit Types

	Cluster one: Traditional	Cluster 2: Egalitarian	Cluster 3: Divergent	Total
Daughter-Girl	22 (6.fifteen%)	36 (10.06%)	30 (8.38%)	88
Girl-Boy	46 (12.85%)	30 (8.38%)	12 (three.35%)	88
Boy-Girl	42 (xi.73%)	34 (9.fifty%)	xiv (iii.91%)	xc
Male child-Boy	54 (15.08%)	26 (7.26%)	12 (3.35%)	92
Total	164	126	68	358

Hypothesis 2(a) posited that parents in families characterized by more than traditional gender role attitudes would take lower SES. A 3 (cluster) × ii (parent) mixed model ANOVA revealed a meaning effect of cluster on mothers' income, F(two, 352) = 5.07, p < .01, ε = .fifteen, a trend-level effect of cluster on fathers' income, F(two, 352) = 2.xix, p < .11, ε = .08, and a meaning overall cluster effect, F(2, 352) = half dozen.29, p < .01, ε = .17. Tukey follow-up tests revealed that, consistent with our hypothesis, parents in both traditional and divergent families had significantly lower income than those in egalitarian families. Additionally, a iii (cluster) × two (parent) mixed model ANOVA focusing on mothers' and fathers' education revealed a pregnant issue of cluster on mothers' education, F(2, 355) = xiii.01, p < .01, ε = .25, begetter'southward education, F(2, 355) = 13.08, p < .01, ε = .25, and an overall between cluster effect, F(two, 355) = 17.82, p < .01 ε = .29. Consequent with our expectation, a Tukey follow-upwardly test revealed that parents in both the traditional and divergent families had significantly lower levels of pedagogy than parents in egalitarian families. Given these findings and a significant correlation betwixt parents' instruction and family income, r = .51, p < .01, we created a composite SES score, combining family unit income and both parents' education levels by standardizing each score and summing them. This SES index was used as a control variable in all remaining analyses.

Hypothesis 2(b) posited that parents in families characterized by more traditional gender role attitudes would have a more than traditional segmentation of household labor. A three (cluster) × 2 (parent) mixed model ANCOVA with parent as the inside groups factor and SES as a control variable revealed a trend-level univariate cluster consequence for mothers' participation in household tasks, F(ii, 336) = ii.51, p = .08, ε = .09, a significant cluster event for fathers' participation in household tasks, F(two, 336) = 4.07, p < .01, ε = .xiii, a meaning overall parent effect, F(ii, 336) = 465.33, p < .01, ε = .85, and a significant overall cluster × parent interaction, F(two, 336) = five.20, p < .01, ε = .xvi. Tukey follow-up tests for the primary effects for cluster showed that mothers in the divergent group spent more time on feminine household tasks than did mothers in the egalitarian group, and that fathers in the egalitarian grouping spent more than fourth dimension on feminine household tasks than fathers in both the traditional and divergent groups. The overall parent upshot indicated that mothers generally spent more fourth dimension on feminine household tasks than did fathers. Still, consequent with our hypothesis, follow-up of the parent × cluster interaction indicated that mothers and fathers in the egalitarian group were more similar in fourth dimension spent on feminine tasks as compared to the other groups.

Hypothesis 2(c) posited that fathers in families characterized by more traditional gender function attitudes would spend more time with their sons. Analyses of parents' fourth dimension with children revealed no univariate cluster effect for mothers' time spent with children. However, a iii (cluster) × 4 (gender constellation) × two (sibling) mixed model ANCOVA revealed a univariate cluster upshot for older siblings' dyadic time with father, F(2, 334) = 5.31, p < .01, ε = .xvi, and a cluster × sibling interaction, F(2, 334) = 4.75, p < .01, ε = .fifteen. A follow-up examination of the univariate main result showed that fathers spent significantly more time with their older children in the divergent group as compared to the traditional grouping. A Tukey follow-up test of the cluster × sibling interaction revealed that fathers in the divergent group spent more than similar amounts of fourth dimension with their two children compared to fathers in the traditional and egalitarian groups. Taken together, this design suggests that fathers in the divergent group were relatively more involved with their children.

Hypothesis 2(d) posited that families characterized by more than egalitarian gender role attitudes would exist more likely to have girl-girl sibling dyads than boy-male child or mixed-sexual activity sibling dyads. A 3 (cluster) × iv (gender constellation) chi-squared analysis, χ² (6) = 28.91, p < .01, suggested that, in fractional back up of our expectation, the traditional family type included a preponderance of brother-brother pairs, whereas the divergent family type was made up largely of sister-sis pairs. In addition, the egalitarian group had somewhat more sister-sister than brother-blood brother pairs. In contrast to our hypothesis, however, mixed sex dyads (sister-brother and blood brother-sis) appeared to exist distributed equally beyond the family unit types (see Tabular array v).

Gender Role Attitudes and Family Conflicts

Hypothesis (3) posited that families characterized by incongruent gender role attitudes across family members would have college levels of parent-child, marital, and sibling disharmonize compared to families characterized past congruent gender role attitudes across family members. A iii (cluster) × 2 (parent) mixed model ANCOVA revealed no effects involving cluster for marital disharmonize. Similarly, a 3 (cluster) × 2 (sibling) mixed model ANCOVA revealed no furnishings involving cluster for sibling conflict. For parent-child conflict, however, a pair of 3 (cluster) × 4 (gender constellation) × 2 (sibling) mixed model ANOVAs revealed significant overall cluster effects for both mother- and father-kid conflict, F(two, 352) = three.xc, p < .01, ε = .xiii, and F(2, 352) = half dozen.15, p < .01, ε = .17, respectively. Inconsistent with our hypothesis, Tukey follow-upwards tests revealed college levels of mother-child disharmonize in the traditional grouping compared to the egalitarian group and higher levels of male parent-child conflict in the traditional grouping compared to the other two family types.

Discussion

Although some researchers have begun to utilize person-oriented or blueprint-analytic approaches to studying families (due east.g., Crouter, McHale, & Tucker, 1999; Johnson, 2003), these approaches have traditionally been used to report individuals (Bergman, Magnusson, & El-Khouri, 2003). The electric current study demonstrates the utility of a pattern analytic approach for studying family systems. Our analyses revealed that families varied in their patterns of parents' and children's gender role attitudes. In the majority of families, at that place was congruence across four family members, in that all family members were either relatively more egalitarian or relatively more than traditional as compared to individuals from other families. I grouping of families, nonetheless, showed an incongruent pattern in which both siblings displayed more egalitarian attitudes despite the more traditional views of their parents. This design is consistent with family systems notions about inside-family variability. The emergence of a divergent design also suggests that, whereas social learning processes explicate children's gender role attitude evolution in some families, unlike mechanisms may be at work in other families.

Our analyses revealed that betwixt- and within-family comparisons provide somewhat unlike pictures of family attitude congruence and difference: In both the divergent and traditional groups, mothers and fathers also differed in their attitudes, such that fathers in the divergent group were more traditional than their wives, and mothers in the traditional group were more traditional than their husbands. As we have suggested, nearly studies of gender attitudes focus on individuals or dyads. Our family-oriented approach reveals a more complex set of processes than has been found in prior piece of work.

There were no instances in which ii siblings differed from each other in their gender function attitudes. Social learning mechanisms may be functioning in these families such that younger siblings model the gender role attitudes of their older siblings (e.g., McHale et al., 2001). Futurity work exploring the relationships between siblings' gender office attitudes over fourth dimension could provide further insight into the social learning processes that impact gender role development throughout adolescence.

Weather condition Underlying Family Patterns

In exploring the conditions underlying these family patterns, the results were consistent with earlier studies in showing that parental educational activity and income distinguished families with more than traditional attitudes from those with more egalitarian attitudes (eastward.m., Bolzendahl & Myers, 2004). The divergent group was also characterized by lower instruction and income, as would be expected given parents' traditionality; notwithstanding, in this family type, as noted, the attitudes of children were more than egalitarian. Although the attitudes of parents in this group may have been grounded in socioeconomic factors, it appears that those of their children were non.

In add-on to background characteristics, family patterns of gender function attitudes likewise differed in terms of parents' time use inside the family. The divergent group exhibited a seemingly paradoxical pattern. On the one manus, parents in this grouping displayed a more traditional sectionalisation of household labor; on the other hand, fathers appeared to be more involved with their children compared to fathers in other family types. Although the traditional division of household labor fits with the traditional gender attitudes of the parents in this group, the relatively loftier involvement in children on the function of fathers suggested less traditionality. High paternal involvement in the divergent grouping is particularly noteworthy, given that girl-daughter sibling dyads were over-represented in this group and that fathers in this group reported the most traditional attitudes. Notably, although mothers in this group reported more traditional attitudes compared to other mothers, they were less traditional than their husbands. The findings illustrate the multidimensionality of gender: A person with traditional gender role attitudes does non necessarily exhibit gender-typed behaviors in all domains of life.

The findings too provide some insight into the basis for the incongruence between parents' and children's attitudes in the divergent families. When fathers differ in their attitudes and behaviors, their messages to their children about gender may exist diluted. Despite the traditional attitudes of both parents, children in these families (daughters in particular) may discover the more than egalitarian side of their fathers and react against their mother'southward traditional role in domestic labor. This highlights the complication of socialization influences: both mothers' and fathers' attitudes and behaviors may be important in children' gender attitude development.

Our results revealed that family patterns of gender office attitudes were linked to the sexual activity constellation of the sibling dyad. It was having non but one, but two girls, still, that increased families' chances of falling into the divergent group, and having non just i, but ii boys that increased families' chances of falling into the traditional grouping. Although ane cannot depict causal inferences from a correlational study like this 1, it seems more sensible to conclude that the sex constellation of the dyad "caused" the family unit blueprint of gender function attitudes rather than the other mode around. Other researchers have pointed to the importance of considering the function of child effects in shaping the family unit environment and experiences (Bell & Chapman, 1986; Crouter & Berth, 2003; Russell & Russell, 1992), and yet there is a tendency in family and child development enquiry to assume unidirectional effects from parents to children. McHale and Crouter (2003) accept previously demonstrated the important role that the sex activity of children plays in shaping family dynamics. Other enquiry examining parents' differential treatment of siblings suggests that the sex constellation of siblings may influence the levels and types of parents' behaviors toward each of their children (e.g., McHale, Updegraff, Jackson-Newsom, Tucker, & Crouter, 2000). Futurity researchers may proceeds new insights when moving beyond between- to within-family comparisons.

Specially important was the finding that having not 1, merely two children of a particular sex distinguished between the family unit clusters. In the instance of the divergent group in which sister-sister pairs were more mutual, girls may have found it easier to express attitudes that were inconsistent with parents' when they had back up from their sisters. Similarly, the college number of sister-sis pairs in the divergent grouping may explain mothers' less traditional attitudes relative to fathers, in the sense that having two daughters may encourage mothers to gravitate toward less traditional attitudes. In the traditional group, in contrast, the preponderance of boys in these families may have express parents' exposure to and understanding of issues related to gender discrimination and equality that may ascend when raising daughters.

Family Gender Role Attitudes and Family Conflict

Contrary to expectations, there was no evidence that the attitude incongruence of the divergent group had negative implications for parent-child relationships. Instead, there were higher levels of parent-child conflict in the traditional families. Importantly, this family type had an abundance of boy-boy pairs. One possible explanation of the loftier disharmonize, so, is that a loftier value placed on "masculinity" in these families could encourage more stereotypically masculine relationship behaviors, such as dominance, contest, and assailment (Maccoby, 1990; Thompson & Pleck, 1986). Furthermore, the traditional gender role attitudes of parents may be coupled with more authoritarian parenting styles that take implications for conflict with sons and daughters. Interestingly, mothers in this group were more traditional than fathers, and information technology is possible that this relative incongruence between parents' attitudes fueled conflict among parents and children.

Limitations and Future Directions

This investigation provides a contribution to understanding how families piece of work equally systems. Even so, there remain some issues to be addressed in time to come enquiry. Kickoff, this written report was limited to a cross-sectional assay. In lodge to fully empathise the processes involved in the formation of family patterns of attitudes, longitudinal studies are vital. Although it may seem logical to conclude that the sex constellation of sibling dyads exerted an influence on family patterns of attitudes rather than the other mode effectually, a longitudinal assay exploring the development of gender part attitudes within the family could help to pinpoint the unique style in which parents and children touch on the family system. Only as children's gender role attitudes may arise through developmental processes, patterns of family unit attitudes may ebb and flow. Similarly, longitudinal analyses are necessary to improve empathise what experiences and weather precede the difference of attitudes amid family members and whether these differences have implications over the long-run.

A second limitation of our study pertains to the generalizability of the results. Although the participants reflected the demographic characteristics of the region in which they resided, the sample was fairly homogenous, both in terms of ethnicity and SES. Gender function orientations are not only multidimensional within family systems, but also across dissimilar family unit contexts. Equally such, these patterns of gender role attitudes may non be universal. The results of the cluster analysis should be replicated in other samples earlier drawing conclusions well-nigh the nature and correlates of family gender role attitude patterns.

Finally, the measure of parent-child disharmonize may exist limited in its validity. Although the 11 domains assessed in the parent-child conflict scale certainly correspond domains of family life that may trigger conflict, it is possible that these domains more than closely represent household disciplinary or regulatory practices. Future studies could validate the findings in this study related to conflict by using alternative measures of parent-kid conflict.

In conclusion, our findings highlight the importance of measuring the gender role attitudes of multiple family unit members. By examining family unit patterns of gender part attitudes rather than only focusing on individuals or single dyads, a deeper understanding of the processes involved in gender role mental attitude development, among both parents and children, can be gained. As this study demonstrates, gender role attitudes are connected to aspects of family unit life, including relationship quality and division of labor, and are shaped by the family context in which they are embedded.

​

Table 6

Means (and Standard Deviations) of Family Disharmonize by Family Types

	Cluster1: Traditional	Cluster2: Egalitarian	Cluster3: Divergent
Parent-Child Conflict
Mother-Firstborn	24.34 (half dozen.29) a	22.98 (5.62) a	22.56 (five.72) a
Mother-Secondborn	25.71 (6.51) a	23.84 (6.50) b	24.46 (half-dozen.91) a b
Mother-Child	24.83 (4.69) a	23.27 (4.72) b	23.54 (4.77) a b
Father-Firstborn	23.11 (6.62) a	21.06 (5.77) b	21.05 (five.33) a b
Father-Secondborn	23.85 (6.74) a	21.42 (half dozen.24) b	22.28 (half dozen.88) a b
Male parent-Kid	23.34 (5.11) a	21.21 (4.72) b	21.90 (4.83) b
Marital Disharmonize
Mothers	19.66 (6.56) a	20.47 (6.06) a	20.27 (half dozen.04) a
Fathers	eighteen.36 (6.xx) a	18.16 (5.66) a	xviii.37 (5.47) a
Sibling Conflict
Firstborns	19.47 (7.27) a	18.41 (7.41) a	18.75 (seven.49) a
Secondborns	19.70 (seven.30) a	18.89 (7.81) a	18.78 (vii.37) a

Acknowledgements

The authors are grateful to their undergraduate and graduate educatee, staff, and faculty collaborators, as well as the dedicated families who participated in this projection. This work was funded by grants from the National Constitute of Child Health and Human Evolution, R01-HD32336 and R01-HD29409, Ann C. Crouter and Susan Chiliad. McHale, Co-Principal Investigators.

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Source: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3270818/

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